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 <title>John Barker&#039;s blog</title>
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 <title>BLOODY TAYLORISM AND COGNITIVE CAPITAL</title>
 <link>http://78.47.123.87/node/704</link>
 <description>&lt;div class=&quot;field field-name-body field-type-text-with-summary field-label-hidden view-mode-rss&quot;&gt;&lt;div class=&quot;field-items&quot;&gt;&lt;div class=&quot;field-item even&quot; property=&quot;content:encoded&quot;&gt;&lt;p&gt;This text highlights relationships between different regimes of labour and how they are exploited by capital, in the context of textiles and clothes. Global inequalities are being exploited through the help of ICT and the general drive to labour saving techniques. What makes matters worse is that those participating as producers and consumers remain invisible to each other.&lt;/p&gt;
&lt;!--break--&gt;&lt;p&gt;In 1810, here in Vienna Joseph Hadersperger invented a sewing machine that could make a ‘chain stitch’ that is, every seam sewn with two threads, giving them a strength they had never had before. It is displayed in the Technisches Museum but as with many inventors it did not do him much good, dying poor. This was in large part because of the expense and drawn-out nature of gaining a patent which he was unable to renew in 1818 because of a lack of money. In France in 1830, a Barthelemy Thimonnier with a machine that could also do chain stitch did not, in the end, fare much better. By 1841 he had 80 machines working to produce uniforms for the French army, but these were destroyed by rioting tailors who feared this would put them out of work. Perhaps ironically, at around the same time, an  inventor himself, Walter Hunt in the USA, did not patent his machine with an eye-pointed needle for fear it would create unemployment.&lt;/p&gt;
&lt;p&gt;Looking at it now this would appear not to  have been the case, but before moving on to its take-off as an international means of production with the Singer company this history is already suggestive. For example, that a factory-like set-up for the making of clothes rather than of cloth, should be for military production. The uniform, naturally enough, is –excuse the joke – ready-made for mass production. There is archaeological evidence of highly organized textile production for the armies of the Roman Empire, and  a whole range of technological innovations, both for armaments and their bi-products have been financed by military bureaucracies. In modern times the US Defense budget has been crucial in this regard, including the development if what are called intelligent textiles. &lt;/p&gt;
&lt;p&gt;There is also the closeness in time of the French tailors rioting and the famous Luddites of early 19th century England. Their image as being simply anti-technology has been properly contested. They did not attack mechanical weaving devices per se, but those controlled by capital and used in its interests. In the case of the tailors, it may be that it was not unemployment as such that worried them but a fear that it would initiate a process of de-skilling, or rather, de-skilling through advancing the division of labour within the process of making clothes, a theme to which I will return.&lt;/p&gt;
&lt;p&gt;Then there is the matter of patents. Inventors as we know have often not done well personally and I do not anything of the Hapsburg Empire bureaucracy to comment on Hadersperger’s case, but in the United States, legal processes for patenting were, I would suggest, were made easier and taken more seriously because of the success of Eli Whitney’s cotton gin that was commercially developed , and which made possible the take-off of a capitalist, slave-based cotton-growing industry on a mass scale which still now, with politically determined subsidies, dominates the world. Loopholes in the 1793 Patent Act, the very same year as the invention itself, had meant he too was in danger of losing out, but by use of licensing and then consequent changes in the law did not suffer the fate of Hadersperger. Since then there has been a to-and-fro between necessary incentive for innovation and those of capital to use it, and this is reflected in how seriously patent law is taken. In the USA, having lapsed in importance it became a major political issue at the start of the 1980s with the Bayh-Dole Act, partly because of the discourse of Japanese ‘copying’; because of a belief that in bio-technology especially the USA would be the dominant force in a dominant technology, and because the individual inventor was of the past, that it was now the business of corporate capital backed by the state. Intellectual property rights is corporate business. I make this obvious point in the context of techno-politics. &lt;/p&gt;
&lt;p&gt;There is no ‘invisible hand’ at work here, in the development of technology, political decisions are made which can have a determining effect.&lt;br /&gt;
As it happens, the Singer sewing machine was itself the subject of a patent dispute initiate by one Elias Howe in 1854. Isaac Singer’s response was as sophisticated as the company’s development, he created a ‘patent pool’ of capital with investors, and paid Howe royalties. I say sophisticated because the success of the Singer company that came out of the ‘patent pool’ , was based on marketing and support services and included machines payable with an instalment plan. Its ‘innovation’ if you like was the creation of a brand identity. Early in the 20th century  it was the 7th largest company in the world, selling  2 and a half million machines a year both industrial and a different version for home use. Just as significant, it employed twice as many workers in its marketing operation compared to the actual production of machines.&lt;/p&gt;
&lt;p&gt;Very modern, it appears but the ratio also had to do with the nature of the production itself. Most machines were produced in Glasgow, Scotland with a history of religious sectarianism and where the company refused to recognise any trade union. Despite both this sectarianism and divisions both of gender and skill, nearly the whole workforce came out on strike in 1911. It was finally defeated after the company had gone on the offensive by closing down the factory and making the threat so familiar today of moving production elsewhere if the workers stopped their strike. It is how and why it began that is especially significant.  The company in effect provoked it when three defect repairers were taken off a team of 15 women in the cabinet polishing department, one of 41 departments, so that 12 must do the work of 15 without any increase in pay. This was a straightforward increase in the intensity of labour, that is the amount of work done per minute or hour. It is no different to a Mexican clothing worker working for a Korean-owned company in the present day having her weekly production quota increased from 3000 to 3600 pieces a week.   &lt;/p&gt;
&lt;p&gt;Intensity is the English translation from Marx’s Capital, and I raise it now in order to disentangle what capitalist economics calls productivity. In reality it disguises what may be an increase in the intensity of labour, or may be more efficient machinery, or, likely as not this ‘efficient machinery’  (what Marx calls ‘productiveness of labour)’, demanding an increase in intensity. I raise it also because this mixture of the  two passes under the deceptive name of ‘labour-saving’ and so much innovation in a range of productive processes has been labour saving. This focus and investment in technological innovation that labour-saving is creating surplus, expendable populations so that in many parts of the  number of people surving in the so-called informal economy – informal as if it were an easy-going social gathering – exceeds those in the ‘formal economy’ which is also a misnomer in that that only 100 or so of the 1000 workers in the Baldia factory in Karachi where 286 people ddied as a result of fire had no contract, were not officially recognized.&lt;/p&gt;
&lt;p&gt;In Marx’s day the number of weaving looms that could be operated by one worker was increased but this was not painless. In recent times, the 1990s, workers operating knitting machines in North Carolina loading and unloading bobbins, checking  for faulty needles and examining emerging cloth for defects were tending 11-12 of the machines compared to 3 in the 1960s. This involved much more walking and carrying more yarn. A woman worker said “Each cone is ten pounds and we carry three at a time. A human being’s not meant to carry like that all day.”&lt;/p&gt;
&lt;p&gt;At the same time as Singer were pushing less workers to do the same amount of work, they had introduced Taylorist methods into the Glasgow factory or what has been quaintly called time-and-motion. Taylor himself called workers “intelligent gorillas” but called his own work “Scientific Management”, and a book of that name was published in 1911, the year of the Singer strike by which time his methods were already being applied. Here is taste of what he says:&lt;/p&gt;
&lt;blockquote&gt;&lt;p&gt;	“No…one workman has the authority to make other men cooperate with him to do faster work. It is only through enforced standardisation of methods, enforced adoption of the best implements and enforced cooperation that this faster work can be assured…The management must supply continually one or more teachers to show each new man the new and simpler motions, and the slower must be constantly watched and helped until they have risen to their proper speed. All of those who, after proper teaching, either will not or cannot work in accordance with the new methods and the highest speed must be discharged.”&lt;/p&gt;&lt;/blockquote&gt;
&lt;p&gt;	It is under exactly such conditions that so many tangible objects are produced in the world be they a pair of jeans or an Apple Mac. The forming of simpler motions was Taylor’s main work. Here by observing how workers through their own ‘cognitive’ intelligence and experience do their work, with the object of breaking it down into those simpler motions. It is an enhancement of the principle of Division of Labour  which, from capital’s viewpoint hit the jackpot twice:  speed-up, and a reduction in the power of the worker over the productive process.  Already, by the time he was writing, the process of making a jacket in New York had been divided into 37 unskilled sewing tasks, applauded by employers for the “unerring accuracy that is gained…by years of practice at one thing only.”&lt;/p&gt;
&lt;p&gt;	There has been increased intensity of labour in the production of cloth, and probably more so now that those North Carolina weaving mills have relocated to Mexico, but cloth production has been highly automated and requires a high level of capital investment –CAD automated cutting, automated washes and dyeing labs with more than 10,000 colours. However just as handloom weavers in 19th century England survived by self-increasing their own intensity of labour for some 50 years after the introduction of the mechanical loom, modern dye labs co-exist in the world with the physical stonewashing of denim that is proven to cause serious respiratory illness. Here as in clothing factories themselves, it is risk that is outsourced. Risk to the worker.   &lt;/p&gt;
&lt;p&gt;The sewing machine has changed very little since the 19th century. The work done on them has largely been outsourced to the lowest wage areas of the world, though there are highly exploitative sweatshops in Los Angeles, Buenos Aires and London still now. Their work is the division of labour taken to its limits, a young Cambodian woman sewing only the top half of a belt loop hundreds of times a day. Not just that but under conditions of extreme intensity of labour with in the face discipline. On the one hand supervisors who shout and slap on the other systems of hourly Quality Control. Enforced overtime and the use of speed-type drugs are the reality all in the name of Standard Minute Value in which even empirical Taylorist time-and-motion studies are not bothered with, nor the realities of the machinery nor infrastructure, but virtual targets are set and used to set real world piece rates. This overload produces burn-out on workers and short-circuits on electrical systems which cause the fires that have killed over 400 clothing industry workers in the last 3 months. This Taylorism is bloody though the phrase itself –coined  by Alain Lipietz refers to such work under authoritarian governments under which there is no interest in reproducing the labour force in the long-term.&lt;/p&gt;
&lt;p&gt;It would apply most directly to the post-war history of South Korea whose economic ‘miracle’ was no miracle at all but built on mostly young women working 16 hour days for minimal wages in factories where they could not stand straight and often forced to take a speed drug called ‘Timing’. They made clothes for export  and in the process the surplus value used to develop the hi-tech industries the country now boasts. This jump to what I have loosely called cognitive capitalism is however unlikely to happen anywhere else. There are campaigns, and also government bans in place to stop the importation of 2nd-hand clothes in African and Latin American countries on the grounds that it prevents the development of domestic clothing manufacture. This is true, it does do that but in addition to the fact that even within  Africa the work is being outsourced from unionized South Africa to cheaper wage Lesotho, the idea that clothing manufacture is a starter industry that will lead to fuller industrial development seems unlikely. Hong Kong, Taiwan and South Korea are one-offs.&lt;br /&gt;
In this world of uneven development, bloody Taylorism and Cognitive capitalism exist together but seem a world apart. The clothes designer with his or her Apple Mac, their capital in their heads, will however require in a world of fast-moving fashion will depend on flexible speeds of production. More generally in the richer world in its post-2007 ‘austerity’, the cheapness of clothes produced under conditions of Bloody Taylorism have taken some of the edge off its impact; in crude Marxist terms have lowered the costs of the reproduction of labour. In this sense the relationship exemplifies the sleight of hand on which the ideological edifice of the Division of Labour is built. That is as Susan Buck-Morss says it so well whereby “The impoverished producer shows up on the stage again, this time as the well-clad consumer.” The pay-off for the individual worker reduced to doing the same simple task week after week, and therefore replaceable, indeed expendable being greater productivity to benefit the abstract consumer where, as the company KiK - for whom jeans were produced in a Karachi factory where 286 workers died in September – would say, the Consumer is King.&lt;/p&gt;
&lt;p&gt;The big difference now is that the stage is so much bigger than 18th century Britain so that consumer and producer are not just in separate ideological spheres but wholly invisible to each other. Along with precious metals textiles were the first products to be traded over distance. They are both light and compact. From the 16th century onwards, that is from long before the factory system, the system now operated by large scale clothes labels and/or retailers existed whereby merchant capitalists had no manufacturing facility themselves but operated a ‘putting-out’ system or ‘dispersed manufacture’ giving them power over even those weavers for example who owned their own looms. Closer to the present day the East India Company used a similar system in a colonial context, demanding not just a greater intensity of production from  but also arbitrarily rejecting some cloth because of defects as judged by themselves. This latter is a tactic used today by retailers against manufacturers whether those be Los Angeles sweatshops or Bangladeshi factories in order to shift the risk of an unsold line back down the value-chain. &lt;/p&gt;
&lt;p&gt;This is where are now and has been made possible, as has the putting-out system on a global scale by the technologies of surveillance, tracking and distribution crated by cognitive capitalism. It has too depended on the relative cheapness of oil for transport and the invention of the shipping container, but most of all because of  what is generally called electronic data interchange and the transformation of the logistics industry starting with the bar code and including point-of-sale scanning, computerized linked to inventories, and automated distribution linked to both inventory and retail outlet sales. These technological developments have had profound effects. Whether we call this ‘supply chain management’ or ‘lean retailing’ it has lead to a concentration of capital in the retail sector both in clothes and food because of the initial costs of such systems. Such costs will now include some of the new fruits of cognitive capital, sourcing software that enables one to coordinate the cheapest costs of production worldwide. Most of all although outsourcing over great distances involves time, internet-based data management has reduced all other time associated with international transactions to close to zero. It has also meant as I’ve said, the shifting of risk down to the manufacturer or rather through chains of sub-contractors  so that the defect tactic can include the slightest deviation from packing and shipping specifications. It also has the great benefit of shifting all the moral and legal responsibility for working conditions down the chain. Labels and retailers, even retailer manufacturers can reap the benefits  that come from designing and marketing with out getting their hands dirty. It is the owners of the Karachi factory who in prison, not any KiK executives. From the subsequent deadly fire in Dhaka, Bangladesh comes the most recent picture of the sewing machine whose technology has barely change in 150 years, its use by workers using it to try and break the bars in the factory whose fire they were trying to escape from.&lt;/p&gt;
&lt;p&gt;One last thought. I have used ‘cognitive capitalism’ rather loosely as that which has produced iCT to its own advantage. More specifically it has been the smug utopianism whereby one no longer requires huge outlays of fixed capital to be productive. You and your brain- or you and your Apple Mac are your own capital. Last year I gave a talk on the clothing industry in the Urania and mentioned what had happened to the hand-loom silk weavers of Varanesi in India who, using Jacquard looms had their own looms producing their own designs and how many have died of starvation after a political decision in the name of free trade to allow in cheap Chinese imitations. I was asked if I wasn’t romanticizing their work. Not I think, if the alternative is starvation for people who have cognitive capital as those weaves have. Free trade an ideology that hides a whole variety of massive inequalities of power is a political decision. It, like that other icon of pick and mix capitalist ideology, favours a wholly abstract figure of the Consumer. Free trade is a political decision, just as the decisions about what technological developments are made are based on interests that are neither neutral nor natural.&lt;/p&gt;
&lt;p&gt;&lt;i&gt;&lt;br /&gt;
This text was a talk given at the Techno-Politics Group meeting in Vienna on December 11th 2012. It is partly based on research conducted by the author in the context of the artistic research project &quot;Loom Shuttles War Paths&quot; by Ines Doujak. &lt;/i&gt;&lt;/p&gt;
&lt;p&gt;John Barker is a novelist and has written extensively on&lt;br /&gt;
 political economy for Mute, Variant, and Adbusters magazines&lt;br /&gt;
 as well as the journal Science as Culture.&lt;/p&gt;
&lt;/div&gt;&lt;/div&gt;&lt;/div&gt;</description>
 <pubDate>Fri, 14 Dec 2012 09:24:37 +0000</pubDate>
 <dc:creator>John Barker</dc:creator>
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 <title>Intellectual Craftsmanship - John Barker about C.W.Mills and methodology</title>
 <link>http://78.47.123.87/node/536</link>
 <description>&lt;div class=&quot;field field-name-field-language field-type-taxonomy-term-reference field-label-hidden view-mode-rss&quot;&gt;&lt;ul class=&quot;field-items&quot;&gt;&lt;li class=&quot;field-item even&quot;&gt;&lt;a href=&quot;/taxonomy/term/7&quot; typeof=&quot;skos:Concept&quot; property=&quot;rdfs:label skos:prefLabel&quot; datatype=&quot;&quot;&gt;English&lt;/a&gt;&lt;/li&gt;&lt;/ul&gt;&lt;/div&gt;&lt;div class=&quot;field field-name-field-topic field-type-taxonomy-term-reference field-label-hidden view-mode-rss&quot;&gt;&lt;ul class=&quot;field-items&quot;&gt;&lt;li class=&quot;field-item even&quot;&gt;&lt;a href=&quot;/taxonomy/term/863&quot; typeof=&quot;skos:Concept&quot; property=&quot;rdfs:label skos:prefLabel&quot; datatype=&quot;&quot;&gt;research&lt;/a&gt;&lt;/li&gt;&lt;li class=&quot;field-item odd&quot;&gt;&lt;a href=&quot;/taxonomy/term/1021&quot; typeof=&quot;skos:Concept&quot; property=&quot;rdfs:label skos:prefLabel&quot; datatype=&quot;&quot;&gt;taxi-to-praxi&lt;/a&gt;&lt;/li&gt;&lt;li class=&quot;field-item even&quot;&gt;&lt;a href=&quot;/taxonomy/term/171&quot; typeof=&quot;skos:Concept&quot; property=&quot;rdfs:label skos:prefLabel&quot; datatype=&quot;&quot;&gt;C.W.Mills&lt;/a&gt;&lt;/li&gt;&lt;li class=&quot;field-item odd&quot;&gt;&lt;a href=&quot;/taxonomy/term/961&quot; typeof=&quot;skos:Concept&quot; property=&quot;rdfs:label skos:prefLabel&quot; datatype=&quot;&quot;&gt;sociology&lt;/a&gt;&lt;/li&gt;&lt;/ul&gt;&lt;/div&gt;&lt;div class=&quot;field field-name-body field-type-text-with-summary field-label-hidden view-mode-rss&quot;&gt;&lt;div class=&quot;field-items&quot;&gt;&lt;div class=&quot;field-item even&quot; property=&quot;content:encoded&quot;&gt;&lt;p&gt;John Barker is both a novelist and an author of non-fiction essays about political, social and cultural issues. Barker&#039;s essays, published in magazines such as Variant or Mute Magazine, bristle with historic depth and accuracy of information, woven into critical narrations written in a dense prose. This evident richness of background research is maybe a result of Barker being inspired by the research methodology of a great of the 20th century, C.W.Mills. In this guest contribution, written specifically for thenextlayer.org and the taxi-to-praxi workshop, John Barker introduces us to Mills&#039; concept of intellectual craftsmanship.  &lt;/p&gt;
&lt;!--break--&gt;&lt;p&gt;
&lt;/p&gt;&lt;h1&gt;INTELLECTUAL CRAFTSMANSHIP&lt;/h1&gt;
&lt;p&gt;	The idea and ideal of the intellectual as a craftsman is marginalized in various worlds by their various constructs of “the intellectual.” In “the real world” of business and finance, such a person is head in the clouds, or their ideas are used for a particular, temporary need of that world. In the academic world he or she is likely to be a person of authority with a command of a particular and, likely as not, exclusive language. Or there is the intellectual as individual genius who does not need to learn process.&lt;/p&gt;
&lt;p&gt;To be a craftsman too carries specialized and often demeaning connotations, that of the maker of artifacts by old-fashioned methods for people with a lot of money. Without such baggage however, it involves the serious pursuit of skills which can mix the empirical with the theoretical; trial and error; a pride in one’s work; and the constant effort to improve it.&lt;/p&gt;
&lt;p&gt;	The radical sociologist C. Wright Mills who died very young, did have a clear idea of how the intellectual could, and should be, a  craftsman. Biographically, he lived it out. While a subversive academic at Columbia University, he built his own house and, in the year of publication of his most famous book, &lt;i&gt;The Power Elite&lt;/i&gt;,  gained a factory diploma as a 1st class BMW motorbike mechanic. He believed that as part of taking their work seriously, intellectuals should aspire to such qualities of production. It was not a sentimental belief. In an essay on Veblen’s &lt;i&gt;Theory of the Leisure Class&lt;/i&gt;, he defended that writer’s ethic of workmanship, but found it ahistorical in its refusal to take on board what had undermined the artisan class, a process comprehensively described in Harry Braverman’s  &lt;i&gt;Labour and Monopoly Capital&lt;/i&gt;.&lt;/p&gt;
&lt;p&gt;Intellectuals had not however not been de-skilled and dis-respected in this way, not unless by their own volition,  and in the later &lt;i&gt;On Intellectual Craftsmanship&lt;/i&gt;, which appears as an appendix to &lt;i&gt;The Sociological Imagination&lt;/i&gt;, and is celebrated in multi-media form by Muhammed A. Asad at &lt;a href=&quot;http://craftsmanship.asadi.org&quot;&gt;http://craftsmanship.asadi.org&lt;/a&gt;, he tries to describe a how-to guide to how they could and should adopt a craftsman-like attitude to their work and its focus on process. It is directed at sociology students but is, I believe, relevant to anyone engaged in sustained thinking, and creative labour.&lt;/p&gt;
&lt;p&gt;	At the heart of the ethic is “that you must learn to use your life experience in your work…to be able to trust yet to be skeptical of it.” Work. The basis of its judgement as to craftsman-like quality, is intelligibility. This is not a banal argument for making what is difficult to explain simple in a manner that is simpler than is possible; rather of explaining as well as is possible. And this in itself is craft, to be worked at.. The unintelligible is usually a symptom of laziness, or a lack of clear understanding by the writer of what he is trying to say. That, or it’s intention is exclusionary, a motivation still existent in the academic world of 2008 as it was then back in 1959. “Lack of intelligibility,” he says, “has little or nothing to do with the complexity of subject matter, and nothing at all with profundity of thought. It has to do almost entirely with certain confusions of the academic writer about his own status.” But as a positive quality, work is required, process. Thus for example, “You cannot keep your hand in’ if you do not write something at least once a week.”&lt;/p&gt;
&lt;p&gt;&lt;/p&gt;&lt;h3&gt;The File&lt;/h3&gt;
&lt;p&gt;	&lt;i&gt;On Intellectual Craftsmanship&lt;/i&gt; as a how-to guide is centred on “the file”. The writing he recommends takes place in its orbit. For one thing it encourages the habit of writing, and “in developing the file, you can experiment as a writer, and thus, as they say, develop your powers of expression.” In the more or less pre-computer age, never mind PCs or Macs, that this was written, the file would be of the cardboard variety, a box file of some sort. In it there would be “joined personal experience and professional articles, studies underway, and studies planned.” It can contain newspaper clippings, notes from worth-while books (he offers good tips on note-taking) bibliographical items, outlines of projects.” It also “encourages you to capture ‘fringe thoughts: various ideas which may be products of everyday life, snatches of conversation overheard on the street, or, for that matter, dreams. Once noted, these may lead to more systematic thinking, as well as lend intellectual relevance to more directed experience.”&lt;/p&gt;
&lt;p&gt;The modern day “file” on these  kind of lines but with its multi-media characteristic offers all kinds of possibilities. Interviews in the course of a project as audio files are included in a text say as links. Visual evidence too. It is the ease with which links in comprehensible fashion can be made, that would, I think, have most excited him Between his time and now there have been analogous ways of working. The ‘files’ of  serious documentary film-makers for example, likely as not a hotch-potch of written research, photos, interviews and footage which might coalesce around the chosen theme. Given the costs involved in film-making, the theme might well have had to be established early on in the process. With the file as described by  Mills, there is what might be called a pre-preparation phase in the process. He thinks for example that.  “you will find it well to sort all these items (the notes, clippings, fringe-thoughts etc) into a master file of  ‘projects’, with many subdivisions. The topics of course change, sometimes quite frequently.”&lt;/p&gt;
&lt;p&gt;As do the categories. He talks of the habit of classification, that necessity in ordering one’s material, but also of how “a new classification is the usual beginning of fruitful developments.”  I can testify to the truth of this, how in my own case, examining the lead-up to the invasion of Iraq, produced the notion of “think-tank reality”, the way in which truth was being replaced by partial agendas with the proliferation of think-tanks to the fore. Categories then can  “change – some being dropped and other being added”…and this “ – is an index of your intellectual progress and breadth.” These are not elitist words but rather describe the process of learning and developing the craft. What they allow for is an openness as to what may come of your initial, and perhaps most heartfelt, concerns. Once one’s ‘concern’ has clarified itself into a project – and he uses how he came to, and then went about writing &lt;i&gt;The Power Elite&lt;/i&gt; as an example – a whole set of problems arise as to how to present them, technical, craft problems. At the same time ‘projects so often require both re-examination and refreshment.. “After making my crude outline I examined my entire file, not only for those parts of it that obviously bore on my topic, but also those which seemed to have no relevance whatsoever. Imagination is often successfully invited by putting together hitherto isolated items, by finding unsuspected connections.”&lt;/p&gt;
&lt;p&gt;	This is not serendipity, though that is a real enough possibility and which, like those sudden – in a dream  - proofs of  unsolved mathematical theorem has invariably involved a lot of hard concentrated work beforehand. Rather, when mainstream presentation of the world presents a ONE reality while at the same time keeping related events and phenomena as belonging to  several  dissociated, rigorously apart realities, these “unsuspected connections” (or even suspected connections) are made. It’s perhaps not surprising then that though not named, it must be Karl Marx he has in mind, when he goes back to that sociological imagination built on the file. “There is an unexpected quality about it, perhaps because its essence is the combination of ideas that no one expected were combinable – say, a mess of ideas from German philosophy and British economics.”  As with those mathematical theorem, these connections don’t come out of nowhere. Mills’ tip is the “rearranging” of the file. “You simply dump out heretorfore disconnected folders, mixing up their contents, and then re-sort them. You try to do it in a more or less relaxed way.”&lt;/p&gt;
&lt;p&gt;This craft process, a kind of trial and error, can be relaxed, and in the case of his German philosophy and British economics, a “playfulness of mind back of such combining, as well as a truly fierce drive to make sense of the world.” The craft process is how it can be done, but the fierce drive to make sense of the world, surely a personal need, is indispensable to using the process. And because this is a serious business, there is finally the hard work of producing something intelligible out of all this miscellany, so that your ‘making sense of the world’ is important to you, and of use to others.&lt;/p&gt;
&lt;p&gt;.............................................................&lt;/p&gt;
&lt;p&gt;Examples of work by John Barker&lt;br /&gt;
John Barker &lt;a href=&quot;http://www.variant.randomstate.org/30texts/Jbarker.html&quot;&gt;The High and Mighty&lt;/a&gt;, in Variant, Issue 30&lt;br /&gt;&lt;/p&gt;
&lt;p&gt;John Barker &lt;a href=&quot;http://www.metamute.org/en/Armchair-Spartans-and-The-Spectre-of-Decadence&quot;&gt;&lt;br /&gt;
Armchair Spartans and The Spectre of Decadence&lt;/a&gt; In Mute Magazine [online]. &lt;/p&gt;
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 <pubDate>Thu, 17 Apr 2008 08:29:22 +0000</pubDate>
 <dc:creator>John Barker</dc:creator>
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